Chapter 2.Does Wikipedia’s Acadia Portal Offer an Accurate Portrait?
Gabriel Arsenault and Mathieu Wade
Studies show that the content available on Wikipedia is generally fairly reliable (Giles, 2005). However, scholars writing about Wikipedia deplore the fact that only a small minority of articles are of high “quality.” The “quality” of a Wikipedia article (or portal) is assessed by the Wikipedia community, which in turn is invited to vote on the article’s ranking based on various criteria (e.g., encyclopedic writing style, quality of references, clarity of organization, or choice of images). The most prestigious ranking is “featured article,” followed by “good article.” In June 2024, fr.wikipedia had 2,151 “featured articles” and 3,999 “good articles,” representing just 0.08% and 0.15%, respectively, of all the articles in the French-language encyclopedia. However, a study undertaken a few years ago of the eight main Wikipedias revealed that fr.wikipedia was the most demanding portal in terms of assessing the quality of articles (Jemielniak & Wilamowski, 2017).
Academic researchers interested in the quality of the encyclopedia also criticize its articles for suffering from a significant patriarchal bias. Martel and Villeneuve (see chapter 3) report that biographies of women represent only 18.8% of all biographies on fr.wikipedia (and 18.3% on en.wikipedia). This underrepresentation of women in the encyclopedia not only reflects societal patriarchy; it also demonstrates a patriarchal bias within Wikipedia itself, given that women, on average, have to be more prominent than men to get a Wikipedia article (Adams et al., 2019; Wagner et al., 2016). According to an as-yet-unpublished study cited in Adams et al. (2019), if the same level of prominence were required of women as men to have a Wikipedia article devoted to them, there would be 70,000 more women’s biographies in the encyclopedia. For reasons that are still not fully understood, women may only represent around 10% of all contributors to the encyclopedia (see chapter 3).
In this article, we propose to look at the merits and limitations of the Wikipedia encyclopedia, based on one of the 1,800 or so French-language Wikipedia portals: the portal devoted to Acadia (“Acadie” in French).1 As of June 2024, Wikipedia devotes 2,013 articles to Acadia and is the leading source of accessible information on the subject.2 Yet the portal has no “featured” articles, although it does have 24 “good” articles (1.2% of the total). These statistics are useful, yet they only serve as very superficial indicators of the Acadia portal’s quality. How can we get beyond that?
Although our analysis of the Acadia portal focuses on a minority and globally marginal population—the Acadians—it is not related to thinking about the issues of the pluralization and internationalization of Wikipedia (see the chapter by Casemajor in the present volume). Many studies have looked at the process of knowledge pluralization in Wikipedia from a postcolonial and feminist theoretical perspective (Bjork-James, 2021; Casemajor & Couture, 2020; Ford & Wajcman, 2017). These approaches tend to focus on the conflicts surrounding the representation of minority groups as well as on publishing protocols likely to produce and reproduce systemic biases against them.
These situations refer to what Godrie and Dos Santos call epistemic inequalities—that is, “a particular type of inequality that manifests itself in the access, recognition and production of knowledge and different forms of ignorance” (Godrie & Dos Santos, 2017, p. 7). The Acadia portal could be studied as a marginal place where a minority group struggles for recognition of the legitimacy of its culture and identity. Nathalie Casemajor and Stéphane Couture have proposed an analysis of the Franco-Ontarian portal along these lines, studying “knowledge practises concerning Franco-Ontarians and more specifically . . . the negotiation of knowledge concerning the identity of this group as represented in Wikipedia” (2020). However, this is not the focus of our own research.
Instead, we propose to consider the Acadia portal as an important site for the production of content on Acadia, even though it has never been studied before. We therefore anchor our analysis in the field of Acadian studies in order to see what answers the portal provides to the two main questions that structure this field: (1) Does Acadia refer to a relatively circumscribed territory in the Atlantic provinces of Canada or to a diaspora without borders? (2) Does it refer to an administrative territory that disappeared after the Great Upheaval of 1755 (when British forces deported almost all Acadians to other territories, from the thirteen colonies to the Antilles and France itself) or to a living nation? The first question is properly political and concerns the ways in which people belong to a group. The question of where Acadia is, and consequently who Acadian is, is frequently debated in both civil society and the scientific community. What answers does Wikipedia’s Acadia portal provide to these questions? The second question has more to do with scholarly research. The question is not whether Acadia still exists—the answer is obviously yes, it does. However, the colonial history of Acadia and Acadian social science are two distinct fields that operate largely in parallel.
The field of colonial studies is more internationalized and enjoys greater legitimacy. Acadian social sciences, which generally focus on the nationalist Acadia that emerged in the 19th century, are more peripheral and local. Which of these two fields dominates the portal on Wikipedia? Our study is based on the premise that Acadia is a subject with blurred geographical and temporal boundaries and that defining these boundaries is one of the main political and scientific issues at stake. We propose a systematic analysis of the portal to see what representations of Acadia emerge. First, we will look at the geography of Acadia as presented on the portal. We will then analyze the historical periods covered by the articles appearing there. Finally, we will develop a portrait of the most frequently consulted articles and the main contributors, which will serve to show that the patriarchal bias characterizing the encyclopedia as a whole also characterizes the Acadia portal.
By analyzing the Acadia portal from the perspective of Acadian studies, we will be able to compare theoretical and political questions with the answers proposed by a collaborative space and to highlight a series of biases, some of which are typical of Wikipedia, whereas others are specific to the Acadian setting.
Acadian Space and Time
The Acadia portal is unique in that it deals with an entity with blurred space-time boundaries that are, moreover, the subject of much debate. Since “Acadia” has neither a politically recognized state of its own nor clear administrative boundaries, it can take on a variety of meanings. These meanings in turn lead us to distinct fields of scientific endeavour but also to public controversies about the very meaning of “acadianité” (the sense of being Acadian), the relationship with institutions, language, and the historical past.
Acadian Space
In the absence of formal administrative boundaries, Acadia—particularly modern Acadia—is part of a contentious and fragmented geography. This indeterminacy applies to the colonial period, when boundaries were approximate and contested (Desbarats & Greer, 2011), but it also applies to the modern period, when different conceptions of Acadian identity and modes of belonging have clashed. The most heated debates, however, concern the modern period. Broadly speaking, we can distinguish between a diasporic Acadia and a territorial Acadia. These two Acadias present us with considerably different geographies as well as definitions of Acadian identity that are in part incompatible.
Some people hold that a modern Acadian territory simply cannot be defined. Acadia is said to be a diasporic people in the form of an archipelago of communities, initially dispersed by the Great Upheaval, then by waves of emigration since the 19th century (Bérubé, 1987; Magord, 2010). Acadian communities can be found from Louisiana (Basque, 2009; Bruce & Urbain, 2021) to New England, via France (Magord, 2010) and Québec (Bergeron et al., 2008). This Acadia is defined essentially by genealogy and is expressed today in a mostly ad hoc and festive mode (Lefebvre, 2012). Diasporic Acadia finds its most eloquent expression in the Congrès mondial acadien (CMA), which was launched in 1994. The CMA explicitly promotes a diasporic conception of Acadian identity and makes family reunions central, thereby reaffirming a genealogical vision of Acadian identity. It also invariably provokes debate within the Atlantic Acadian public sphere (Allain, 1997; Bruce, 2018). Diasporic Acadia focuses more on the individual than on any given territory and consists more of networks and one-off events than institutions.
Some people object to this conception of Acadia on the grounds that it threatens the full political development of the Acadian nation by diluting its membership and promoting a genealogical rather than a civic definition of the sense of being Acadian (Thériault, 2006). For many, Acadia refers more to a desire to “socialize” in French in the Atlantic provinces (Daigle, 1994; Thériault, 1995). This Acadia centres around French-speaking institutions that enable collective action and cultural and linguistic transmission. Indeed, this Acadia is defined more by language and territory than by parentage and is represented by organizations at the provincial level (Société de l’Acadie du Nouveau-Brunswick, Fédération acadienne de la Nouvelle-Écosse, Société acadienne et francophone de l’Île-du-Prince-Édouard, Fédération des francophones de Terre-Neuve-et-Labrador) as well as the regional level (Société nationale de l’Acadie).
As table 2.1 shows, the portal’s position in this debate is somewhat nuanced. On the one hand, whether we look at the articles on places, the geography of the groups and organizations selected, or the birthplaces of personalities on the portal, we come to a similar observation: The vast majority of articles focus on the Atlantic provinces. This is the case for 77.3% of articles on places, 76.6% of articles on personalities, and 85% of articles on groups and organizations. On the other hand, the portal admittedly contains a significant number of articles relating to subjects outside the Atlantic region, in particular Louisiana, Maine, and Québec, as well as other American states, Canadian provinces, and French regions.
Number of places | Number of personalities | Number of groups and organizations | |
|---|---|---|---|
Atlantic region | 675 | 505 | 113 |
Outside the Atlantic region | 198 | 154 | 20 |
Note: Data from Wikipedia. We exclude here places, personalities, groups, and organizations whose pages do not explicitly specify a geographic location. We also exclude places that may be both in the Atlantic region and outside the Atlantic region, such as New France.
Acadian Time
Another controversy concerns the temporality of Acadia: Does it belong mostly to the past or the present? Broadly speaking, we can distinguish between a colonial Acadia and a modern Acadia. These two Acadias have the same name and are part of the same portal, unlike New France and Québec, for example, which occupy separate spaces in Wikipedia. Colonial Acadia refers to an administrative territory roughly corresponding to the Maritime provinces and more specifically to present-day Nova Scotia. Established in 1604, colonial Acadia was at the heart of numerous conflicts between France and Great Britain until the Great Upheaval, which took place between 1755 and 1763, during the Seven Years’ War. This deportation marked a major break in time and space for Acadia. Modern Acadia was built by the survivors of the deportation and became institutionalized starting in the second half of the 18th century. Subsequently, modern Acadia was organized around an ideology and national symbols, as developed at the Acadian National Conventions from the end of the 19th century onward. These two Acadias form distinct fields of scientific study. The study of colonial Acadia is now the focus of international research networks, mostly in English (Faragher, 2005; Griffiths, 2005; Hodson, 2012; Kennedy, 2014; Reid et al., 2004), whereas scientific studies on modern Acadia are generally produced in French in the Maritime provinces (Belliveau, 2014; Boudreau, 2016; Landry, 2015; Poplyansky, 2018; Thériault, 1995).
What position does the Acadia portal take with respect to this dichotomy? The portal on the English-language edition of Wikipedia clearly interprets Acadia as a colony of the historical past. The portal on the French-language edition of Wikipedia characterizes Acadia in two ways within the list of portals. First, Acadia is found in the “History” section and the “Modern Period (16th to 18th Centuries)” subsection, like the portal on New France. Second, Acadia is found in the “Geography” section and in the “Historical Territories” subsection, again following the example of New France.
Similarly, as table 2.2 illustrates, the deportation is unequivocally the single event in Acadian history that attracts the most attention from internet users.
However, as figure 2.1 illustrates, a very large majority of the personalities included in the portal were born after 1764 and therefore belong to modern Acadia rather than colonial Acadia (1604–1763). Clearly, the portal reflects the debate surrounding the different time periods in Acadia. There is also a clear divide between supply, which is more in line with the modern definition of Acadia, and demand, which is much more in line with the colonial definition.
Events | Number of times consulted |
|---|---|
Deportation of the Acadians | 237,727 |
Great Upheaval | 94,068 |
Acadia’s national holiday | 21,096 |
Treaty of Fontainebleau (1762) | 14,717 |
World Acadian Congress | 13,075 |
Battle of Fort Beauséjour | 10,282 |
Moncton shooting in 2014 | 8,978 |
Acadian Games | 8,456 |
Deportation from Île Saint-Jean (Prince Edward Island) | 8,281 |
Causes of the Great Upheaval | 7,969 |
Louis Mailloux affair | 7,632 |
Treaty of Utrecht (1713) | 5,943 |
Battle of Cran (1758) | 4,974 |
Acadian Renaissance | 3,266 |
The first Acadian National Convention | 2,251 |
Gender
In terms of the gender distribution of personalities on the Acadia portal, there is an overrepresentation of men, which is also the case with Wikipedia in general. Of the 679 personalities on the portal, 569 are men (83.8%), 106 are women (15.6%), and 4 identify as queer or nonbinary (0.6%).
It would appear difficult not to assume a causal link between this male domination of content and the domination of article production, which is also typical of the Wikipedia encyclopedia as a whole. As table 2.3 shows, none of the main contributors to the portal identify themselves as women. In fact, the table lists 18 people as the main authors of at least 10 articles on the portal: of these, 12 identify themselves as men, while 6 do not reveal their gender. The table also confirms the dominant role of Red Castle, the main contributor to 39% of the portal’s articles and 19 of its 24 “good articles.”
Figure 2.1.
Temporality of the personalities (dates of birth) selected in the Acadia portal (June 2024)
Note: We exclude here all personalities whose articles do not specify the birthdate.
Legitimate Knowledge and “Good Articles”
Several studies that approach Wikipedia from a critical and postcolonial angle point to the epistemic inequalities suffered by minorities and marginalized groups (Godrie & Dos Santos, 2017). The knowledge produced by these groups is not necessarily recognized as legitimate. These communities would thus be subject to exogenous discursive productions; they would be forced to represent themselves with categories that are not their own. The concept of “exiguïté” (smallness), initially developed by François Paré (1992) to understand minority francophone literary production in Canada and then applied to the social sciences by Mourad Ali-Khodja (2003), describes precisely this phenomenon in the Canadian French-speaking sphere. According to this theory, exogenous knowledge about Acadia (i.e., developed from outside Acadia) can be expected to be dominant within the portal.
Username | Number of portal articles where
| Gender |
|---|---|---|
Red Castle | 784 | Male |
Quéré | 120 | Male |
Fralambert | 84 | Male* |
Rc1959 | 42 | Unknown |
Parigot | 40 | Male |
Amqui | 26 | Male |
Thierry Caro | 22 | Male |
Passoat15 | 19 | Male |
Jeangagnon | 17 | Male |
ADM | 15 | Unknown |
Shawn à Montréal | 16 | Male* |
GJFraser | 16 | Male |
Seanoconaill | 14 | Male* |
Funnyhat | 14 | Male |
Pierre5018 | 11 | Unknown |
Patangel | 11 | Unknown |
BoucherCL | 10 | Male |
Jihaim | 10 | Unknown |
* The asterisk indicates that the gender of the person has been identified on the basis of the gender agreements used on their presentation page.
The field of Acadian studies comprises (1) colonial studies, produced in English and more internationalized and legitimate, and (2) contemporary Acadian social sciences, produced in French and more marginal. Colonial studies would appear to have greater legitimacy, yet it does not clearly dominate the Acadia portal. On the one hand, the portal’s description corresponds to a colonial definition of Acadia, whereas contemporary Acadia is clearly more represented in its content, and this is the case whether we consider the temporality and the geography of the personalities selected and the geography of the places and the groups and organizations featured on the portal. On the other hand, as table 2.4 shows, the vast majority of the 24 “good articles” on the portal relate to the contemporary period rather than the colonial period. There is no epistemic inequality here. The relationship to knowledge emerging from the portal is considerably more nuanced and complex.
How Can the Acadia Portal Be Revitalized?
The Acadia portal shows that Acadia is both colonial and modern, diasporic and rooted in the Atlantic provinces. This tension, which goes to the very heart of contemporary Acadia, is clearly articulated on the portal. It strikes us as significant that the majority of Acadian personalities featured on the portal belong to the modern era, while almost all the events in Acadian history of interest to internet users concern the colonial period. It is nonetheless surprising to see the relatively low level of interest of both contributors and internet users in events that could be associated with the Acadian “Quiet Revolution,” such as the implementation in the 1960s of Premier Louis J. Robichaud’s government program, Chances égales pour tous (the New Brunswick Equal Opportunity program), which is currently the subject of a fairly superficial article.
Colonial Acadia (n = 3) | Contemporary Acadia (n = 16) | Colonial and contemporary Acadia (n = 5) |
|---|---|---|
Deportation from Île Saint-Jean Françoise-Marie Jacquelin Gamaliel Smethurst | Louis Mailloux affair Atholville Caraquet Chéticamp Acadian flag (“Drapeau de l’Acadie”) Île Brion Matapedia Luc Bourdon Memramcook Paul Carmel Laporte Pierre-Amand Landry Pokemouche Port de Caraquet Sainte-Anne-du-Bocage UNI Coopération financière Matapedia Valley | Acadia Acadian architecture Sinclair Inn History of Acadia Acadian theatre |
By quantifying this relative absence of articles on key moments in Acadian political modernity, our study provides unpublished data in support of an already well-articulated sociological critique of Acadia: While there are indeed Acadian individuals today, the agency of the Acadian political subject is very weak. In the absence of clearly defined political boundaries, Acadia is forced to act through a diverse but nonetheless precarious network of associations (Allain, 2003). As a result, Acadian political action is fragmented. And in the absence of representative institutions, Acadian discourse is divided into sectoral organizations marked by a certain corporatism (Landry, 2015). Finally, Acadian organizations are economically dependent on the Canadian state, which limits the room for manoeuvre of the community’s representative bodies (Léger, 2012). For many, this fragmentation and dependence undermine Acadia’s ability to project itself into the future, to develop collective projects, and to think of itself as a political subject. This difficulty in representing itself as a political subject partly structures the content of the portal.
The portal also has two major shortcomings that unfortunately characterize Wikipedia content in general: Almost all of the articles are still in draft form, and the Acadia featured on the portal is dominated by men. To improve the quality of the portal’s articles and make it more representative of the diversity of the Acadian population, the participation of civil society in the development of the Acadia portal needs to be stimulated. Collective mobilization efforts such as the Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec’s monthly wiki workshops or the initiative of the municipality of Monmouth in Wales—consisting of setting up some 1,000 QR codes linking various sites in the city to a Wikipedia article (Kooser, 2012)—thus inspired us to create the Wikiclub Acadie. In October 2018, following a lecture by Patrick Degrâce, a.k.a. Red Castle, at the Université de Moncton, a first informal Wikiclub was set up (Doiron, 2018; Radio-Canada, 2018). Between autumn 2018 and spring 2019, half a dozen writing sessions were held, bringing together members of the university community. At the time, however, we concluded that without a more formal structure, the “club” was not destined to be very dynamic.
To overcome this stalemate, we established a partnership with the Société nationale de l’Acadie (SNA) in the summer of 2020. Thanks to the SNA’s support, we published a research report on the Acadia portal (Arsenault & Wade, 2020) that was aimed particularly at identifying priorities for future contributors. The report contains, for example, a list of 40 prominent Acadian women, identified by historian Maurice Basque, who could be the subject of a biography on Wikipedia. Following the publication of this report, in September 2020, the SNA formally took charge of the Wikiclub project (Boudreau, 2020). In the spring of 2021, training workshops were held for members of the Regroupement féministe du Nouveau-Brunswick and Fédération des femmes acadiennes de la Nouvelle-Écosse.
In the summer of 2021, the SNA received a major grant from Canadian Heritage, enabling it to organize a series of virtual activities in March 2022 specifically targeting the Université de Moncton community: a round table, a training workshop, and a contribution session (Radio-Canada, 2022). Over the coming years, the SNA is committed to ensuring that Wikiclub Acadie maintains its dynamism by organizing other training activities in the French-speaking communities of the four Atlantic provinces. Let’s hope that this mobilization will be fruitful and lead to concrete improvements to the portal.
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